Injustice in the news . . .

Robert Latimer: Nobody wins but the lawyers | Canadian on Death Row in Huntsville, Texas (CBC Newsworld) New evidence could free convict in Perrin slaying (Hamilton Spectator, August 1998 now moved to his own page) | Greg Parsons free! | Group turfed by Web site provider finds new Net home(injusticebusters, StarPhoenix, July 1998) | Couple want public to hear truth in sexual abuse case (Klassen Foster-Parent case, StarPhoenix, 1993) | Martensville Redux(G&M, June 1995, major article on the Foster-Parent case) | Activists win major victory against Libel charge: Criminal Libel Charge Found Unconstitutional (1995) | Report of the Inquiry into the Canadian federal Prison for Women in Kingston Ontario. | (1996) Milgaard: Wrongfully imprisoned man(1995 report from Simon Fraser Peak) 

Canadian on Death Row in Huntsville, Texas

Twenty-one years ago, an Albertan named Stan Faulder was convicted in Texas of the murder of a 75-year-old woman from one of the Lone Star state's wealthiest family. Faulder has been on Death Row since then. Eight times Texas authorities have tried to execute him and eight times Faulder has won a reprieve. Now he is running out of time. On December 10th, 1999 Faulder will face death by lethal injection

 

Faulder's case has again raised questions about the justice system in Texas.

It's a state notorious for having the highest rate of executions in the United States. And there are questions about the fairness of the Faulder trial. No jury has heard the evidence that Faulder's behaviour hasn't been the same since he was injured in a car accident as a child or that the psychiatrist who gave evidence that was crucial to his conviction has been expelled from the American Psychiatric Association for unethical behaviour in death-penalty cases.

(Text from CBC Newsworld)

 

Robert Latimer: nobody wins but the lawyers

 Robert Latimer, seen here surrendering to the RCMP after the Saskatchewan Court of Appeals overturned his light sentence to mandatory life imprisonment, should hate lawyers as much as we do. The Crown did not charge him properly. The right charge was manslaughter. But the Crown lawyers have their own agenda which generally involves overcharging. Mark Brayford would seem to have his agenda as well. That would seem to be playing high risk poker with a controversial issue in hopes that he will be responsible for ground-breaking legislation.

It is considered unseemly to talk of money but whether or not Latimer ends up serving his ten years without parole, it seems likely Brayford will get a piece of the farm.

And what of Randy Kirkham, the original Crown lawyer who was not content to overcharge Robert Latimer but thought he could tip the scales of justice by going beyond the rules of jury selection? He got a lengthy holiday with full pay!

 

injusticebusters' hearts go out to Robert Latimer, his wife and children. Their private grief over Tracy will no doubt be sullied for some more months as this case proceeds to the highest Court in our land.

 

We wish them well.

Pictures from cbc. nov.6, 1998 

Another wrongly convicted Canadian 

Gregory Parsons is now free after spending eight years in prison. He was wrongly convicted of killing his mother. This is yet another Canadian whose life has been profoundly damaged by a system hell-bent on getting convictions rather than pursuing justice.

 Enjoy freedom,

Greg!

The cbc radio ideas documentary on the mishandling of Guy Paul Morin by the Justice Department

 

 


Canadian newspaper reports of inJustice

 

Martensville Redux(G&M, June 1995, major article on the Foster-Parent case)

Activists win major victory against Libel charge: Criminal Libel Charge Found Unconstitutional (1995)

Report of the Inquiry into the Canadian federal Prison for Women in Kingston Ontario. (1996)

Milgaard: Wrongfully imprisoned man (1995 report from Simon Fraser Peak)

Martensville Redux, Globe and Mail, June 1995

 

 

Activists win major victory against Libel charge
Criminal Libel Charge Found Unconstitutional

by Kate Archibald-Cross

Charges of defamatory libel against two Kingston men have been found to be unconstitutional, and an Ontario legal precedent has been set. Bradley Waugh and Ravin Gill were charged with six counts each of defamatory libel, an indictable offence carrying a maximum penalty of two years imprisonment for each count. Waugh and Gill were arrested while postering downtown Kingston on December 2, 1994. The "wanted" posters described six Kingston prison guards implicated in the suspicious death of Robert Gentles in Kingston Penitentiary in 1993.

Section 301 of the Canadian Criminal Code (under which the two were charged) states: "Every one who publishes a defamatory libel is guilty of an indictable offence and liable to imprisonment for a term not exceeding two years."

On December 19, 1995, the presiding judge granted the Canadian Civil Liberties Association (CCLA) intervenor status. The CCLA argued that section 301 was unconstitutional, and infringed the defendants' rights to freedom of thought and expression
guaranteed under section 2 (b) of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms. The Crown had previously argued that although section 301 has been overturned in several cases, these involved offensive subject matter rather than the defamation of a specific person or people.

He stated that the intention of section 301 was to protect individuals, and that the guards of Kingston Penitentiary had rights as important as those of the accused.

In response to this argument, Judge Lally quoted Madam Justice McLachlin of the Supreme Court of Canada. In 1992, the Supreme Court found section 301 to be unconstitutional and thus inapplicable to the case at hand, that of the hate propaganda of Ernst Zundel.

Madam Justice McLachlin states, "Our law is premised on the view that only serious misconduct deserves criminal sanction."
She goes on to say that although such crimes as libel can be punished by law, the harm caused by the act of libel must be
"clear and pressing" and the charge must not be permitted to inhibit anyone's freedom of expression.

Under section 1 of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms it is stated that certain limits to some rights will be considered reasonable in order to maintain "a free and democratic society". John Laskin, representing the CCLA, had argued that "section 301 is not a reasonable limit on free speech, since section 300 remains to prosecute those who bear false witness against their neighbour".

Judge Lally agreed with the arguments put forward by Dan Scully and Laskin, the defendants' lawyers and concluded that, "There will therefore be an order...declaring section 301 of the Criminal Code of Canada unconstitutional and of no force and
effect[in Ontario]." This sectionof the criminal code has also been found unconstitutional in Alberta and Saskatchewan.

The Crown has until April 29 to declare its intention to appeal, but it seems that the case has been satisfactorily resolved, and appeal would not be likely to overturn Judge Lally's decision. The Kingston Whig-Standard reported that "Waugh said he believes the charges against him and Gill were an attempt to silence critics of the local police and their handling of the investigation of Gentles' Death."

Robert Gentles died after six guards from Kingston Pen maced and forcibly removed him from his cell. On Monday, April 2nd and April 3rd, Julian Falconer, the lawyer of Carmeta Gentles, will be appearing in Frontenac County Court to have the private prosecution of the six prison Guards reinstated.

The six Guards were originally charged with manslaughter but the crown dropped the charges against four of the guards and then stayed the charges against the remaining two. Robert Gentles was a founding member of the Prison Violence Project, a prisoner based group documenting Human Rights violations in Canadian prisons. The supicious death of Gentles, a politically active African-Canadian inmate, at the hands of six white guards has raised concern that his death was politically
and racially motivated.

For more about this and other Kingston injustice busting activities, go to Kingston's Direct Action History.



Report of the Inquiry into the Canadian federal Prison for Women
in Kingston Ontario.

(From the Toronto Globe and Mail, April 2, 1996, by Jeff Sallot.)



Corrections system head resigns
Prison service operates without concern for the rule of law, human rights report declares.


The chief of the federal prison system, John Edwards resigned yesterday in the wake of a blistering report that says he heads a branch of the criminal justice system that violated six women prisoners' rights and generally operates without concern for the rule of law.

The report says the six women were subject to "cruel, inhuman and degrading" treatment by an all-male Correctional Service of Canada riot squad when they were strip-searched, shackled and left nearly nude for more than 12 hours on the concrete floors of cold, bare, solitary-confinement cells at Kingston Prison for Women two years ago.

The women were traumatized by the incident, their rights were violated and they should receive financial compensation from Ottawa, Madam Justice Louise Arbour of the Ontario Court of Appeals says in her report

The incident, and the later confinement of the women in cramped isolation cells for more than eight months, are evidence that the correctional service does not respect the law or the fundamental rights of individuals, Judge Arbour said. These failings are "systemic and institutional" and the CSC cannot be trusted to put its own house in order without supervision by the court, she added. Judge Arbour recommended amendments to the Criminal Code that would allow prisoners to appeal to the courts to have their sentences reduced if their rights have been violated.

Solicitor-General Herb Gray offered a "heartfelt apology" to the women, adding that the government is considering financial compensation. Several of the women are suing the government. The government accepted Mr. Edwards' request for "reassignment" to other duties in the federal bureaucracy, the minister said.

Mr. Edwards, 55, is a career public servant who once helped manage national museums. He has "generally" served Canada well in a variety of posts over the years, Mr. Gray said. Mr. Edwards, who has been commissioner of corrections since 1989, will stay on for a month or so until his replacement is an announced, Mr. Gray said. Kim Pate, spokeswoman for the prisoner- advocacy group the Elizabeth Fry Society, said other correctional service employees should follow his example. "We don't presume to know who all was involved in these decisions," she told a news conference, "but certainly we expect those that were will take a responsible action."

Judge Arbour said she saw no point in naming individuals within the correctional service because the problems are systemic. Unlike police officers, whose actions are often subject to scrutiny by the criminal courts, corrections officers are able to get away with violations of the law and human rights because prisoners do not have adequate recourse to the courts, the report says.

As well, Judge Arbour, who has recently been named by the United Nations to an international war-crimes tribunal said she never would have completed her report by the March 31 deadline if she had had to hear detailed testimony about the individual actions of corrections officers and assess blame. But Mr. Gray can take whatever disciplinary action he feels appropriate, Judge Arbour told reporters.

The Solicitor-General, however, said his priority is to get on with reforming the system, not laying blame for what happened in the past. He noted that many changes are already under way, and the Kingston prison for Women, a 1930s-vintage lockup, will be closed later this year. Federal women convicts will serve their time in newer regional facilities. Mr. Gray said the government will study Judge Arbour's recommendations for the next four to six weeks before deciding which it will implement.

He was non-committal yesterday on most of them, including a suggestion on the creation of a deputy commissioner of corrections for women. The prison guards' union puts the problems at the Kingston Prison for Women on poor staff training and ambiguous policies. Judge Arbour's report describes several days of rising tension at the prison starting with a fracas on April 22, 1994. The judge acknowledges she is unable to get to the bottom of the incident, which involved injury to at least two female correctional officers and the use of the chemical Mace to subdue inmates. Six inmates were locked up in solitary confinement cells as a result.

Guards failed to file proper reports on the use of Mace and failed to call police, in contravention of established policy, the report says. Moreover, the inmates were not allowed to contact their lawyers. The correctional service later filed "misleading and inaccurate" information with the courts on the right to consult counsel, Judge Arbour said. The guards kept the unruly inmates confined to cells and did not allow normal exercise periods. Sometimes inmates were denied showers, clean clothes and toilet paper, or guards turned off the water to the sinks and toilets in tiny segregation cells.

The denial of rights led to an increase in hostility. Prison employees suffered stress and felt overworked. At one point, guards staged a protest demonstration because they felt troublemakers who spat at them and threw urine at them should receive harsher treatment.

Against this backdrop, prison management agreed to bring in the riot squad, an all-male unit comprising specially trained squads from other federal prisons in the Kingston area. The use of this team to subdue and strip-search female inmates in a late-night operation was unprecedented. And under the circumstances, it was illegal, Judge Arbour said.

The prison medic, Dr, Mary Pearson, protested when she saw what was going on. But the operation continued.
"The process was intended to terrorize, and therefore subdue. It also, unfortunately, had the effect of revictimizing women who had had traumatic experiences in their past at the hands of men.

"I find that the conditions in which the inmates were left in their cells were, frankly, appalling These women were left barely
covered by a paper gown, on a cement floor in an empty small cell, with absolutely nothing to sit or sleep on - not a mattress, not a blanket or a towel, while the windows were kept open for a considerable period of time.

"They were left in body belts, shackles and leg irons, and they were kept in that condition until mid-afternoon of the [next day]
when they were given a security blanket." The incident was videotaped by members of the riot squad, a standard procedure to protect the guards from accusations of brutality and for use as a riot-squad training aid.

The tape eventually emerged as an exhibit in one of the inmates' lawsuit. It was broadcast nationally on the CBC public affairs television program the fifth estate.



The above two articles were found at Police abuse


 

Milgaard: Wrongfully imprisoned man seeks support from university

by morray genge, The Peak, Simon Fraser University's Student Newspaper

Volume 91, Issue 3 September 18th, 1995 News

In 1969, at the age of sixteen, David Milgaard was arrested and later convicted of capital murder in the rape and murder of Saskatoon resident Gail Miller. Milgaard has always maintained his innocence and after a long struggle he was able to convince government officials to have his case reviewed by the Supreme Court of Canada.

Based on "fresh evidence," such as a key witness recanting part of his testimony, and the 1970 confession made by Larry Fisher that he committed sexual assaults against women in Saskatoon around the same time Miller was raped and killed, a Supreme Court decision on April 14, 1992 concluded that "continued conviction of accused would constitute miscarriage of justice." The court further related that "we are satisfied that there has been evidence placed before us which is reasonably capable of belief, and which taken together with the evidence adduced at the trial could reasonably be expected to have affected the verdict. We will therefore be advising the Minister to quash the conviction and to direct a new trial. . . "

Justice Minister and Attorney General for Saskatchewan, Robert Mitchell, later stayed the proceedings against Milgaard, who was then released on April 16, 1992. However, Mitchell refused a call for an inquiry into the case.

David Milgaard is now in the process of lobbying the Saskatchewan government in an attempt to have a public inquiry into the entire affair. Milgaard is attempting to organize an event at SFU as part of his ongoing effort to raise money, and to gain signatures for a petition that he hopes will pressure the Saskatchewan government to open an inquiry into his conviction and incarceration of almost 23 years. He hopes to raise money for his campaign to establish an inquiry by selling a book of poems called Rabbits Paw, For Bandit Blues, which he compiled while in prison.

Although relieved to be out of prison, Milgaard is still demanding an inquiry into his conviction, and in regards to what he feels was an unreasonable amount of time government officials took to finally allow his case to go to the Supreme Court. When contacted, Milgaard disclosed that in order to fully clear his name and to ensure that ìthe same thing doesnít happen to another sixteen year old,î an inquiry is necessary. Although the 1992 Supreme Court decision stated that Milgaard ìhad the benefit of a fair trial in January 1970,î and that they were presented with no information that the police had acted improperly, many of Milgaardís supporters assert that coercion was used by the Saskatoon police in order to force witnesses to testify against Milgaard.

Milgaard personally feels that he has been treated unfairly from the time of his arrest, and feels that an inquiry would expose the unjust treatment he experienced from the Saskatchewan justice system. The need for an inquiry is shared by observers such as Toronto lawyer Brian Greenspan, president of the Criminal Lawyersí Association. Greenspan has declared that the Milgaard matter needs to be addressed and that without an inquiry it would be difficult for Milgaard to achieve financial compensation.

When asked if his motivation for a public inquiry was directly related to his hopes of getting financial compensation, Milgaard reiterated that his main concern is that the same thing does not happen to another young person. He further relates that prison is ìa very horrible place and he does not want to see innocent people incarcerated: "Compensation is one thing; the people involved are the most important." Milgaard avoided providing a figure on the financial compensation he is seeking other than that there can be "no price tag on what has taken place." He suggested that both he and his family suffered greatly, both throughout his incarceration and afterwards.

Although Milgaard seems determined to lobby the Saskatchewan government until he achieves his goal, it appears unlikely that an inquiry will ever come to pass. The NDP government in Saskatchewan is reluctant to call an inquiry. The official government line is that there is no reason for an inquiry due to the Supreme Court's conclusion that the original trial in 1970 was fair. This has lead some critics to suggest that the government's actions are politically motivated, due to the possible fear within NDP ranks of dredging up skeletons from the closet. This accusation is made due the fact that during the 1970 conviction of Milgaard, the now Premier of Saskatchewan, Roy Romanow, was serving as the Attorney General. As well, NDP backbencher Serge Kugawa was a Crown prosecutor who had some involvement in the Crown's original case; however, the government strongly denies the accusation that their decision against having a public inquiry was based on political self interest.

Whatever the result of such issues as the inquiry, compensation, or accountability, David Milgaard looks forward to it coming to an end-- "I would just like to see it all over with at this point."


Although David Milgaard has received some compensation, and some apologies, the Saskatchewan government has steadfastedly refused to hold a public inquiry into the matter. There is no excuse. The Ontario government showed how to do it in the matter of Guy Paul Morin.

A British Columbia case which has been compared to Milgaard's is that of Derik Lord.

There is some discussion going on about how to deal with youthful offenders.

See also Gillian Guess and Randy Kirkham

 

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